Actualités

Contrat doctoral fléché

Appels étudiants - Mercredi 31 mai 2017 - 00:00Les industries culturelles, créatives et éducatives en Inde, les industries de la communication et du numérique en Inde : mutations industrielles, sociales et politiques Le présent appel pour un contrat doctoral porte sur la thématique des industries culturelles et créatives, des industries éducatives et des industries du numérique en Inde. Les propositions pourront porter sur diverses dimensions et différents enjeux sociaux, politiques, culturels, socio-économiques soulevés par ces activités.Une attention particulière sera accordée aux propositions qui abordent la question des politiques conduites dans ces domaines, qu’elles soient le fait des pouvoirs publics ou d’organisations privées lorsque leur action est structurante. L’action publique en direction de ces industries fait l’objet de vifs débats. Ces politiques semblent aujourd’hui connaître des évolutions. Par exemple, en 2015, l’inde a souscrit à de nouveaux accords avec les Etats-Unis sur les droits de la propriété intellectuelle. Par ailleurs, les actions en faveur du développement de l’industrie et de l’accueil d’investissements étrangers peuvent concerner les industries créatives et les industries de la communication. Ainsi, le plan gouvernemental d’action, intitulé Make in India, destiné à favoriser la flexibilité du travail et à accorder d’importants avantages aux investisseurs étrangers, a conduit en août 2015, Foxconn, l’un des plus grands fabricants de produits électroniques au monde, à signer un plan d’investissement d’un montant de 5 milliards de dollars pour implanter des activités de R&D et des usines de fabrication. Dernier exemple, l’Inde est un pays pionnier dans le recours au design pour restructurer son artisanat, en particulier l’artisanat textile, et le transformer en une industrie créative contribuant de manière significative à l’emploi et aux exportations. Dans le domaine du design, les actions des pouvoirs publics ont été relayées, voire devancées, par celles d’acteurs privés et notamment d’organisations non gouvernementales. La thèse de doctorat sera co-encadrée par un.e encadrant.e au Laboratoire des sciences de l’information et de la communication (LabSIC) de l’université Paris13, école doctorale Erasme, et par un.e encadrant relevant du Centre d’étude de l’Inde et de l’Asie du Sud (CEIAS). CandidatureLe dossier de candidature, constitué sous forme d’un fichier pdf unique en arial 11, contiendra :Une lettre de motivation comportant un projet professionnel.Un C.V. (maximum deux pages).Une présentation du projet de thèse (15.000 signes maximum). Si le master 2 est en cours, il conviendra de joindre une lettre du.de l’encadrant.e garantissant le bon déroulement du travail ; la soutenance du mémoire devra avoir lieu avant le 24 juin 2017. Les résultats du M2 (notes et moyenne) devront être transmis au secrétariat de l’école doctorale Erasme au plus tard le 27 juin 2017. CalendrierLes dossiers sont à envoyer avant le 31 mai 2017 à Philippe Bouquillion (p.bouquillion@free.fr)Le.a candidat.e sélectionné.e sera auditionné.e par le conseil de l’École doctorale Érasme le 29 ou 30 juin 2017 pour validation du recrutement.  

Lire la suite

Les langages de l’amour. Paroles et gestes dans les théâtres dansés de l’Inde

Journée(s) d'étude - Mardi 04 avril 2017 - 10:00Le Festival de danses indiennes Mouvements Émouvants rassemble danseurs, chercheurs et amateurs autour d’une série d’évènements annuels. Journée d’études, projections de films et documentaires, ateliers d’initiation et spectacles sont autant d’occasion de favoriser les échanges autour de ces formes artistiques dont la pratique en France remonte aux années 1920.En se penchant sur différents styles de théâtre dansé (Bharatanatyam, Odissi, Kathakali, Yakshagana, Kathak, Manipuri, Kuchipudi, Sattriya), cette journée d’études traitera des langages de l’amour, langages ‘verbaux’ et ‘gestuels’, mais aussi poétiques et musicaux. Ces derniers s’expriment en plusieurs langues et littératures indiennes (Sanskrit, Hindi, Ourdou, Tamoul, Télougou, Malayalam, Kannada, Assamais, Meitei, etc.), et se déclinent sur plusieurs registres. Ces langages explorent avec une grande complexité et profondeur les états amoureux (désir, langueur ou ‘mal d’amour’, sentiment d’absence, etc.).Les répertoires des théâtres dansés indiens, autrefois représentés par des artistes/courtisanes et maîtres de danse, acteurs et musiciens héréditaires, s’inspirent souvent d’une mythologie riche en aventures amoureuses et en métaphores érotiques. Pourtant, les nouveaux praticiens de ces styles dans les années 1930-50 ont minimisé cet aspect, dans leur volonté de donner une image ‘respectable’ aux traditions chorégraphiques ‘classiques’ indiennes. Aujourd’hui, on assiste à un retour de ces thèmes anciens qui font écho au questionnement actuel sur le genre et les sexualités. Par exemple, la forme androgyne du dieu Shiva Ardhanarishwara ou la transformation de Vishnu en femme au corps parfait Mohini représentent pour certains artistes contemporains un modèle indien pour ‘transcender’ les genres. De même, sur scène, dans certains styles les rôles masculins et féminins étaient dans le passé, comme encore aujourd’hui, indifféremment joués par des hommes ou par des femmes. Ainsi, la troisième édition du Festival  Mouvements Emouvants – et cette journée d’études – explorent cet univers fascinant où « il » et « elle » se rencontrent, se confrontent et se confondent.Comme lors de l’édition 2016, la parole sera donnée aux artistes et aux chercheurs, pour évoquer leurs expériences de vie et leurs parcours entre la France, l’Inde et ailleurs. S’appuyant sur les témoignages des praticiennes et pédagogues de ces formes chorégraphiques, la journée d’études sera enrichie par l’apport de documents d’archives et de projections de documentaires sur le sujet. Cette journée est ouverte aux étudiants, aux chercheurs et à tous ceux qui s’intéressent aux processus de circulation, d’interaction et d’échanges culturels et artistiques.

Lire la suite

Engineers and society in India (1850 to present times)

Colloque - Lundi 27 mars 2017 - 10:00 More than any other, the profession of engineer appears to encapsulate many of the transformations affecting contemporary India today. Engineers symbolise the rise of the so- called middle classes, and the manner in which India has positioned itself as an emerging power in the international labour market, as it has become one of the favourite destinations for major technology firms.Despite the place this professional group has been occupying until this day in the country’s economy and social structure, it has been somewhat neglected by scholars. However, the position engineers occupy within society and in the system of production makes them a particularly rich object of scrutiny for an analysis of the general dynamics of social stratification (Boltanski, 1982). Its study could also shed new light on the national specificities of capitalist development, as has been shown in other regions of the world (Meiksins and Smith, 1996).This conference aims to fill this empirical void by gathering, along three main axes of consideration, contributions from different disciplines (sociology, history, anthropology, geography, etc.). Axis 1: Engineers and social stratificationIn India, the profession of engineer developed rapidly and was structured relatively early. In contrast to the situation in Great Britain, institutions that delivered engineering degrees were created by the end of the 1840s and the first professional associations were established at the end of the 19th century. Nonetheless, the social transformations provoked by the emergence of this new profession in the context of colonial domination, and particularly their impact on the pre-existing internal hierarchies (castes, etc.), have been under studied. Shortly after Independence, the emphasis on state planning encouraged the development of the profession, in particular through the establishment of elite institutions in the form of the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs). From 1973 onwards, these were compelled to apply the quota policy that reserves a certain number of seats for students from underprivileged communities. In the 2000s the profession expanded substantially, with the number of training institutions rising from around 700 in the year 2000 to over 3500 in 2013 (Lardinois 2011). This growth was stimulated both by the rise of the Information Technology sector and by the frenetic liberalisation of the education market.This first axis will question the nature and consequences of the connections between the numerical increase of engineers since the second half of the 19th century, and the wider transformations of Indian society. Was the vast development of engineering schools after Independence, in a context where the so-called reservation policy was established, accompanied by the rise of “new” or previously marginalised social groups (low caste, religious minorities, women, etc.) or did it lead to a reinforcement of the position of power occupied by members of the former elite or the educated castes? From this perspective on the rise of a new profession, how are caste and class combined?One topic that deserves particular attention is the commonly held view that, since Independence, technical education is perceived as a force capable of transforming Indian society. This idea is anchored in the founding of the IITs. When they were created, these institutions were exempted from the reservation policy and tended to be seen as places that trained a meritocratic elite, freed from the contingencies related to caste and their political instrumentalisation. Whether the IITs actually fulfil their claims of acting as a vector of social mobility based solely on competence will be questioned.Lastly, this axis affords us a fresh look at the idea of “middle classes”, often used to designate the engineers, although the relevance of this category in the Indian context remains widely debated (Deshpande, 2003, 2006). What can the study of a prime example of an intermediary profession teach us about the class structure in India? The question of this group’s (self) representation has to be taken into account and particular attention paid to recent transformations that seem to be replacing a model of public salaried employment with a new prototype of the private sector engineer, more involved in management activities. Axis 2: Engineers and the stateOnce again, in a manner that differs from the established norm in United Kingdom, the rise of the profession of engineer in India is closely linked to state power. The institutions established by the British, from the 1840s onwards, served mainly to provide the Public Works Department with technically qualified employees and to allow the colony to be better exploited. Just after Independence, engineers were invited under Nehru to play a major role in economic planning, as technology occupied pride of place in development theory. Although the liberal shift that occurred in the 1990s contributed to reducing the responsibilities conferred upon engineers employed by the state, they managed better than in many other countries to maintain some control over major infrastructural projects (Cabalion, 2013; Girard, 2016). The reforms undertaken in the 1990s also had consequences for the educational sector dedicated to training this workforce. While the state retained a certain monopoly over the elite training courses, private institutions multiplied rapidly and a vast coaching market developed.The first objective in this axis will be to more precisely evaluate the place engineers occupy in the state apparatus. While an analysis of the employees of the Public Works Department seems to be one of the most obvious paths, it is important to look at the role played by the engineers with political appointments and employed in other major state bodies (Indian Administrative Service, etc.). The impact, from the 1990s onwards, of the liberalisation policies and state withdrawal on engineers who were employed by the administrative services deserves to be closely examined, and particular attention paid to the process of fragmentation of the group into the elite on one side, who were able to benefit from this new situation, and employees of the local administrations, on the other side, who were increasingly criticised. Finally, it is important to consider the influence this group, or at least some of its factions, exercised over the major development projects, whereas in other countries engineers came into strong competition with other experts (Espeland, 1998). For instance, what has been the impact of the rationale of state engineers’ conversion to consultancy or NGOs, on this process of increasing competition between the state and economic elites, or those connected to the private sector? And what contribution do these ‘converted’ civil engineers make in renewing categories of knowledge and redefining areas of intervention?Examining the privileged relationship the profession seems to have maintained with the public administration involves investigating what this group’s ethos is. What relationship did it have with the nationalist movement during the colonial period? Then, following Independence, with Nehru’s development creed? To what extent was it involved with state planning? Connected to the question of ethos, is that of the type of knowledge that makes up the core skills Indian engineers are taught and those they practice. The evolution of this knowledge over time, deserves particular attention. How do the hierarchies between the disciplines that constitute the “Indian engineering science” evolve? To what extent are economic science and engineering science in opposition? Do they converge? Is it possible to identify a technocratic moment in India or a moment of glorification of the profession, where engineers’ science won over political values?These perspectives lead to a more general question, that of the evolution of the nature of the state and the relationships public authority maintains with the private sector and the economic field. During the colonial period, for example, all the major projects were sub-contracted to private contractors and the Public Works Department employees only supervised these projects (Kerr, 1995). How did this role evolve into the current Public Private Partnerships? Lastly, it is necessary to return to the rise, over the last twenty years, of the extra-academic system or the vast and almost industrially structured training market for engineers which the state has had quite some difficulty regulating. What is the social background of the entrepreneurs involved in this sector? What social classes and groups use this coaching market? Axis 3: Engineers and Capitalist DevelopmentThe explanatory models that try to account for the industrialisation process were developed using the yardstick of Western cases scenarios. In this perspective, industrial development in India has often been seen as incomplete and limited. As a result, most studies have focused on factors that explain this incompleteness such as the colonial state’s fiscal policy, insufficient capital, low internal demand, etc. (Chandavarkar, 1985). However a history of the positive features of this specific industrialisation, particularly a history of its social factors, is yet to be written. Due to the intermediary position engineers occupy in the production process, they are very useful for this type of analysis and shed new light on the trajectory of capitalist development in India.Raising the question of the position engineers occupy within the economic field is a useful first step to define the specificities of Indian capitalism and its evolution. The scholarship on the major Indian industrial groups, particularly the historical studies, have tended to show that the capitalists emerged mainly from the merchant castes. What is the caste profile in new sectors like Information and Communication Technology? While Indian capitalism remains largely structured by families, with members of the extended family controlling the key management positions, today we see a professional elite of managers, who have no kin connections to the owners, rising to the top of major Indian firms. What position do engineers occupy within this manager group? What are the historical conditions and the specific assets which has allowed engineers to access the summits of Indian capitalist firms and, more specifically, which category of engineers?This focus on the engineers also allows us to question the recent changes in the international division of work, particularly in the service sector. In the case of India, the situation has shifted from a workforce, which was exported towards countries that were at the centre of the world system (Wallerstein, 2004), to an implantation of major multinational companies in India itself. Here, it would be important to show how the opportunities offered by the companies established in large Indian cities (such as salaries and level of responsibility), as well as the rapidly developing urban infrastructure in these places, explains that a growing proportion of graduates from the most prestigious engineering schools, like the IITs, now find the material conditions for a ‘modern’ lifestyle in India rather than abroad.Lastly, we will also examine the consequences of migration on the structures of the labour market. Which positions occupied by engineers open the doors towards an international career? What is the impact of the implantation in India of major multinationals that often bring a foreign staff along with them? Has this led to a reconfiguration of the profession? Has it resulted in some sort of competition?   

Lire la suite

EHESS
CNRS

flux rss  Actualités

Raja Mandala : dans le cercle des rois

Colloque - Jeudi 08 juin 2017 - 09:00Ce colloque a pour objet la royauté comme paradigme des relations socio-politiques en Inde, et modèle du processus de « civilisation ».L’Inde et sa civilisation ont le plus souvent été appréhendées à travers l’institution des castes et le cadre conceptuel de (...)(...)

Lire la suite

Histoires connectées de la danse : le cas de Jean Cébron, chorégraphe, pédagogue et passeur artistique entre l’Europe, l’Asie et les Amériques

Colloque - Lundi 29 mai 2017 - 09:00Colloque international organisé par Tiziana LEUCCI (CEIAS, EHESS/CNRS, Paris, Conservatoire ‘Gabriel Fauré’ Les Lilas-Est Ensemble) et Pierre-Philippe MEDEN (Université de Lyon, Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, Paris Nord) « Il (Jean Cébron) était tellement pré (...)(...)

Lire la suite

Plus d'actualités

Centre d'Études de l'Inde et de l'Asie du Sud
UMR8564 - CNRS / EHESS

Attention nouvelle adresse!
54 boulevard Raspail
75006 Paris, France

Tél. : +33 (0)1 49 54 83 94

Communication :
nadia.guerguadj[at]ehess.fr

Direction :
dir.ceias[at]ehess.fr

 

La bibliothèque du CEIAS
Maison de l'Asie
22 avenue du Président Wilson 75016 Paris

Tél. : +33 (0)1 53 70 18 78

bibinde[at]ehess.fr

 

La collection Purushartha
54 boulevard Raspail
75006 Paris, France

purushartha[at]ehess.fr